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Negative markers in Kilimanjaro Bantu| old_uid | 18203 |
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| title | Negative markers in Kilimanjaro Bantu |
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| start_date | 2019/12/06 |
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| schedule | 14h-16h |
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| online | no |
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| location_info | salle Ennat Léger |
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| details | Atelier morphosyntaxe |
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| summary | In spite of considerable diversity, a "canonical" pattern can be proposed for the negative constructions of many Bantu languages (Meeussen, 1969, Kamba Muzenga 1981), i.e.
(1) NEG(ative)-S(ubject)C(oncord)-T(ense)A(spect)M(ood)-STEM for verb forms in main clauses
(2) SC-NEG-TAM-STEM for dependent, hortative, sequential etc. forms
However, a number of Bantu languages exhibit quite different strategies, at least for (1) where an initial NEG marker is not found or at least not obligatory, and negation is marked by clause-final elements (for a very complete survey see Devos and van de Auwera, 2013).
K(ilimanjaro) B(antu) languages (E60 + E74a in the Guthrie-Maho classification) spoken in north-eastern Tanzania are such languages. After a presentation of the KB languages, the talk will show that if non-main negative verb forms are quite similar to the "canonical" pattern in (2) above, the negative forms in main clauses are surprisingly diverse among the various languages of the group; nevertheless most languages have a post-verbal negative marker, seemingly or possibly of locative origin.
The talk will then concentrate on the Gweno language (E65) which offers the best example of a complete system of post-verbal negative markers based on clitics apparently originating in personal pronouns and try to evaluate its relationship with the markers found in the rest of the group |
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| responsibles | Coupé |
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