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Ser and estar in Catalan: myths and facts| title | Ser and estar in Catalan: myths and facts |
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| start_date | 2025/05/23 |
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| schedule | 14h-16h |
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| online | no |
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| location_info | salle Corbin (B1.661) |
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| summary | The aim of this talk is twofold. First, I will contrast the prescriptive account of the distribution of ser and estar in Catalan with what empirical data actually reveal. Second, I will offer a formal proposal to account for the observed patterns.
While the alternation between ser and estar in Spanish has been widely studied (Leonetti 1994; Arche 2006; Arche et al. 2017; Silvagni 2017), the equivalent phenomenon in Catalan has received comparatively less attention (Ramos 2002; Batllori 2007; Batllori and Roca 2011). According to the normative description, ser is used with individual-level predicates, such as Aquestes taronges SÓN bones (‘These oranges are good’), and with locative expressions, as in En Joan ÉS a casa (‘Joan is at home’). In contrast, estar combines with stage-level predicates, which typically have a resultative interpretation in Catalan, as in En Pere ESTÀ trist (‘Pere is sad’). On the face of it, the division appears clear: estar is used with resultative predicates, while ser serves as the default copula elsewhere.
However, variation is attested in all three contexts. Some speakers alternate between the copulas, producing forms such as Aquestes taronges ESTAN bones, En Joan ESTÀ a casa, or En Pere ÉS trist. To assess the extent of this variation, I will present data collected from speakers in Mallorca (Balearic Islands) and outline a tentative formal proposal to account for the patterns observed. |
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| responsibles | NC |
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Workflow history| from state (1) | to state | comment | date |
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| submitted | published | | 2025/05/14 08:20 UTC |
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